Focus on election 2001

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Focus on election byTesfamicael Yohannes
 
Focus on Eritrean Election (Part Two)
By Tesfamicael Yohannes
February 18, 2002

My motto: Exclusion ends in violence. Inclusion ends in justified election.

In part one, of the same article, posted February 6, 2002 in asmarino.com, I vowed to continue my analysis, of the now recognized, by me, as an outstanding intellectual and respected figure Mr. Hirue’s article “DEMOCRACY IN ERITREA: A PROGRAMMATIC PROPOSAL By Herui T. Bairu, STOCKHOLM August 8, 2000” in Asmarino.com.

Mr. Hirue said, “In 1994, the Third Congress of the EPLF transformed itself from a front into a party; adopted a political document called the 'National Charter'; and elected a new executive committee. The new party, which is better known to the public by its acronym the PFDJ, became the sole, legitimate, political organization in Eritrean politics. As it is today, the PFDJ controls the commerce, industry, and financial institutions of Eritrea. It controls the Eritrea masses at the governmental, administrative and mass organizational levels, controls the cultural output of the country, and holds the lid on the Eritrea army.

In the context at hand, it is relevant to mention that the PFDJ was the prime mover and sole organizer in preparing and ratifying the constitution. It took two years to round off the work of the constitution; it gathered dust in the cupboard for almost four years - including the war years; now circumstances have propelled the democratic demand to the forefront.” End of quotation.

I agree almost with what Mr. Hirue said in the above quotation. But I would like to add some points to make it complete. In the declared “National Charter”, the most significant point was the vision of the organization of PFDJ (I emphasize to distant my self from calling a party unlike Mr. Hirue Tedla). Unfortunately, some very shrewd and self loving personalities hijacked the noble vision of PFDJ and took the benefit of its vision to personal aggrandizement and material well beings. The vision of PFDJ was meant, to act, as an umbrella organization that embraces all peace loving, nationalists and true lovers of Eritrea, to be organized in unity but with diversity of interest and opinion under the banner outlined as follows.

  1. The unity of the country should precede above all other party or individual interest.
  2. Pluralism by participation in multi party politics.
  3. Liberty of an individual.
  4. Freedom of press.
  5. Eritrea to be governed by RULE of LAW.
All the above mentioned and other detailed significant points were supposed, by this time, to solve most of the difficult problems of Eritrea. But things went to the opposite. I claim, the responsibility, on those self centered individuals at the top who are enhancing there politics based on narrow vision of individualists, some of them are still in position and others are in opposition groups. They used exclusion method that was completely opposite to the original vision of PFDJ, the inclusion method. PFDJ is not acting, this time, its original vision the inclusion method. That is how, PFDJ invited violence. Now, if PFDJ returns back to its original vision, the inclusion method, things will be different and Eritrea’s political failure will be corrected and possibly could be renewed for an all inclusive politics, eventually justified election.

Mr. Hirue said, “Until recently, the detractors of the multi-party system argued that the Eritrean masses were not sufficiently mature to partake in the democratic process or that in a multi- ethnic society the masses were exposed to the danger of being divided along tribal or ethnic lines. The overwhelming majority of the Eritrea people, however, have adopted the position that the viability of the democratic system does not lie in hand-tailored perfection, but rather in expanding the in-born ability of the individual Eritrean to grasp issues that affect his or her interests.” End of quotation.

My opinion regarding the above mentioned notion could be divided in to two parts. The first one is: about the maturity and readiness of the Eritrean people to accept multiparty politics. In Eritrea, who is saying that multiparty politics is not the right time? Is it the Eritrean people or the national assembly?. The national assembly are, out of 150, the 75 are PFDJ members not elected by the people and the rest are not elected but represented from the districts. I am not sure that, the supposed representatives of the people are qualified representatives of the people. Therefore, how did the assembly affirms that multi party politics is not the desire of the people? I would accept that, only, if the assembly says that because of the danger we see of tribal or religious difference we don’t allow multi party politics. That is an acceptable argument for me and I can live with it. But the argument that the Eritean people don’t want multiparty politics, this time, is not acceptable to me.

The second part is: I totally agree with Mr. Hirue Tedla that multiparty politics could be difficult and dangerous at the beginning, but through experience and as time goes on through refinement of the process people would adapt to matured multi party politics participation. Examples are: Zambia, Ghana and Tanzania who are marching a head of Eritrea in multi party politics. They reached to this stage, they are now, through experience. The problem in Zimbabwe is going to be much better after certain years than ours. Therefore, practice makes perfect.

To consolidate his argument Mr. Hirue said, “ In societies where there is freedom of expression; freedom of assembly and association; freedom to partake in the elective processes; and a free market that enhances the spirit of creative initiative; the people tend to learn about democracy by practicing it, and eventually, by growing into it in a responsible way. Besides, Eritreans who have fought for independence, and made sacrifices in order to preserve it, can hardly be dismissed as unprepared for democracy. The present democratic demand is an expression of multiple political impulses in the Eritrean body politic:” End of quotation.

Now, the most important points in Eritrean politics are.
  1. We all agreed that there should be an election and we are going to have it.
  2. The coming election is going to be an election of independents to the parliament.
The problems for the coming election are.
  1. The fate of the 11 and others detained individuals.
  2. The margining of the opposition groups by the government.
  3. The suppression of freedom of expression.
  4. The stagnation of the economical development of Eritrea and other related issues.

Mr. Hirue Tedla outlined eloquently the purpose and significance of election of independents rather than multiparty election, as the first step, to democratization in Eritrea. I am going to come back to this point in detail in the following parts of this article. But for the time being, leaving aside the issue of reconciliation which is complicated this time, how could we realize the importance of having election of independents this time and work hard to make, its fruit, out of it for the next election to be an election of multi party politics. Mr. Hirue Tedla suggest, the election of the parliament should be, for a period of 2 years, for multi party election preparation.

My opinion of having election of independents for a period of two years seems smart and genuine so that the representatives could adapt resolutions that smoothes for the next election. The question now remains if the opposition groups are willing to participate as independent individuals. By the way, if Mr. Mesfin Hagos says well and good I am prepared for an independent election and wants to go back to Eritrea, what happens? Would Seyoum Ogbmichael, Ahmed Nassir, Abedla Idriss, Hirue Tedla or Dr. Berket Habteslassie would be safe to return back and participate as individuals. Let us be realistic, now, by the adapted formulation of independents the above mentioned and others those who are outside the country are systematically outturned from participation. These people and others are deprived the right as Eritreans to participate in the coming election. What will be their reaction? Lets begin by the reaction of Dr. Berekt Habteselassie.

In, “SIMBRAT “SEMBLIA” A Tragedy By Bereket Habte Selassie February 13, 2002” in asmarino.com, we find the following act.

“Senai: Don’t worry; I am not going to shoot the bastard, although I sometimes wish some one did shoot him. I am too sensible and too old for that kind of melodrama”

Another reaction is of Mengstab Asmerom from ELF-RC. He is calling for all opposition groups unity and he is inviting EPLF-DP to join them. The purpose could be, not less than disturbance of the coming election.

Dr. Asfawe Tekeste is vowing for bloodshed in eritrea1.org. This time, all in all, you don’t see a sign of election in eritrea1.org or awate.com. It means that, they are not interested in election, but violence. The Eritrean government is not going to have an option, but defend itself. Why violence? Because, both the Eritrean government and the opposition groups are practicing exclusion method.

My understanding is, there is frustration and the exclusion method that we blindly unfolding is heading us to violence. That is why, repeatedly, I am asking, we to be cool minded and give chance, inclusion method to win over exclusion method. Let us not give up that exclusion method will win for ever. Our government, without taking the consequences of exclusion method took measures that disappoints the majority who were looking for democratization in Eritrea. An obvious examples of exclusion method could be mentioned like, tegadlaia M. Negassie, exclusion method articles in the web sites. Lastly, while tegadlaia M. Negassie uses exclusion of the opposition groups from Eritrean politics at the same time he urges for opposition groups to be kind to work for donor countries to give aid to Eritrea. I don’t know how people don’t able to see the consequences of exclusion method.

Let me clarify my stand when it comes help or aid to Eritrea. The issue of help or aid to Eritrea is not controversial or ambiguous issue to me. I absolutely stand that regardless the political situation in Eritrea, our people needs help and no body should act subversive or sabotage to convince donor countries from sending their generosity to our people. And for those who act subverts or sabotage to enhance selfish political ambitions by convincing donor countries not to send help to Eritrea should be condemned and we have the right to know them so that some other time when they try to convince us that they stand for the well being of the Eritrean people, we will have a proof to expose their evil deeds.

Conclusion, The dilemma we find our selves this time is: are we heading to conduct justified election or violence? Who is going to be responsible, if at all violence is going to win over justified election? What can be done to bring reconciliation so that every body to participate on the well being and peace of Eritrea?

Last but not least, what is doing now tegadalig Romedan Mohammed Nur? Now, the ball is at the hand of, tegadalig Romedan Mohammed Nur. I hope, he is going to do his best to rectify the damage done to this time. And he needs our support. I don’t see other way except inclusion method. To be continued third part of this article.


God bless Eritrea

Tesfamicael Yohannes
Oslo, Norway.

  
 
Focus on election (Part Fourteen)
Focus on election (Part Thriteen)
Focus on election (Part Twelve)
Focus on election (Part Eleven)
Focus on election (Part Ten)
Focus on election (Part Nine)
Focus on election (Part Eight)
Focus on election (Part Seven)
Focus on election (Part Six)
Focus on election (Part Five)
Focus on election (Part Four)
Focus on election (Part Three)
Focus on election (Part Two)
Focus on election (Part One)
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Tesfamicael Yohannes contributed and has sole responsibility for the content on this page. Comments about this article can be sent to the author directly by sending e-mail to: Tesfamicael Yohannes